The author, 3rd from left, with AGBU leaders Yervand Demirdjian, Sinan Sinanian and Sam Simonian.

By PANOS TITIZIAN

Armenia’s political life today is confused and deeply polarized. Numerous commentators, interviewers, intellectuals, and journalists are sharing their views with the Armenian public. Yet what is missing is genuine leadership—leadership capable of providing direction and opening a path forward. In all of this, the Armenian Diaspora has remained largely silent. It is this reality that compels me to raise my voice.

Why do I believe I have the right to speak out? Naturally, this requires some explanation.

First, let me say that I am 100 years old and have closely followed the twists and turns of Armenian and international affairs throughout my life. I studied the social sciences for four years, primarily at the American University of Beirut, in the late 1940s and early 1950s.

This was the period following World War II, when the United States was helping to shape a new international order. During those years, several internationally renowned scholars came to the American University of Beirut to teach in the social sciences. I had the privilege of studying under them in a field that I greatly loved.

At the time, Beirut was an exceptionally sophisticated city, known as the “Paris of the Middle East.” It was possible to obtain international publications such as Le Monde Diplomatique, Foreign Affairs, The Economist, Time, Newsweek, and others. As a young man, I read these publications carefully and consistently. Without exaggeration, I have continued that practice throughout my life.

From my early teenage years, I also attended the Melkonian Educational Institute in Cyprus, where several Western Armenian intellectuals who had survived the Armenian Genocide taught. These experiences helped strengthen within me both the Armenian spirit and a lifelong passion for serving the Armenian nation.

Without going into further detail, I believe I have earned the right to raise my voice from the Diaspora.

Armenia After 2018

Let us turn now to contemporary history—particularly the period from 2018 to 2026 and the aftermath of Armenia’s June 7, 2026, parliamentary elections.

In 2018, the Velvet Revolution swept across Armenia. A people who had reached the brink of despair rose up in protest. Nikol Pashinyan, riding the wave of that popular uprising, came to power, while the oligarchic system that had monopolized Armenia’s political and economic life collapsed.

What followed was a period of dramatic upheaval.

In 2020, war erupted in Nagorno-Karabakh. Backed by Turkey and Israel, Azerbaijan, possessing a more modern and powerful military, captured Shushi. At that critical moment, Russia was expected to intervene, prevent further Azerbaijani advances, and protect the Armenian population and authorities of Artsakh. It was also expected to prevent Turkey from becoming directly involved.

Then came Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Moscow’s plan to capture Ukraine within days failed disastrously. Russia became increasingly consumed by the war, and its influence in the South Caucasus began to weaken.

Baku saw an opportunity.

In 2023, with continued backing from Ankara and Israel, Azerbaijan moved swiftly to take control of the entirety of Nagorno-Karabakh. Ilham Aliyev had become increasingly emboldened and began making threats concerning Armenian territory. Russia, for its part, failed—or was unable—to honor its mutual security commitments to Armenia.

Faced with these developments, the government of Nikol Pashinyan adopted what has come to be known as a diversified foreign policy. In practical terms, this meant moving away from Russia while simultaneously strengthening ties with Europe and the West.

That policy continues today.

Europe, in turn, began providing increasing economic, material, and security assistance to Armenia and to the government of Nikol Pashinyan.

A New Geopolitical Reality

The fall of Nagorno-Karabakh created a major geopolitical vacuum in the South Caucasus. Turkey moved to fill much of that vacuum, establishing a greater presence in the region than ever before. Europe, too, began to assume a more significant role.

Then came a new American approach under President Donald Trump.

President Trump had declared that he could bring an end to the war in Ukraine in a single day, with the cooperation of Vladimir Putin. But he eventually became deeply disappointed with the Russian president.

The Trump administration, pursuing its commercial and geopolitical objectives, sought to establish a modern trade and transportation route reminiscent of the historic Silk Road, connecting Central Asia with Europe and beyond. An important part of this strategy was to reduce Russia’s influence in the South Caucasus.

The geopolitical importance of the region had fundamentally changed.

The South Caucasus—and Armenia in particular—was no longer merely a remote peripheral zone of secondary importance to Moscow. It had become a territory of vital strategic significance.

The proposed route would connect Azerbaijan with Nakhichevan while passing through Armenia’s Syunik Province as part of what has been called the “Trump Route.”

To advance this objective, President Trump brought together Ilham Aliyev and Nikol Pashinyan in Washington, seeking to resolve their differences through diplomacy and a peaceful process rather than through war.

Under this new American approach, Armenia—long vulnerable to insecurity and the threat of territorial fragmentation—would emerge as a sovereign, independent, democratic, and territorially intact state.

The current U.S. administration has openly and unequivocally presented itself as a defender of Armenia. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio has likewise expressed support for Armenia’s sovereignty and democratic institutions.

The agreements reached during this period were intended to strengthen Armenia’s sovereignty and democracy and to demonstrate America’s commitment to the country’s security.

The message to Russia was equally clear: Moscow should not attempt to undermine Armenia’s democratic government through its proxies and political allies inside the country.

Armenia Moving Forward

Today, the caravan is moving forward.

Nikol Pashinyan won a parliamentary majority in Armenia’s 2026 democratic elections. The country has recorded significant economic growth year after year. Its industrial sector is developing rapidly, and Armenia is increasingly being described as the Silicon Valley of the South Caucasus.

Tourism continues to expand.

In education and technology, the American University of Armenia and the growing network of TUMO Centers for Creative Technologies have earned international recognition. The construction of a major artificial intelligence center, backed by a reported $4 billion investment, is nearing completion in the Gegharkunik region, with an official inauguration expected next month.

This represents a remarkable example of Armenia-Diaspora cooperation.

Visitors arriving in Armenia from around the world speak of a country that is safe, peaceful, and hospitable. For many young families, Armenia is becoming an increasingly attractive place to live and establish a future.

At the same time, China, France, Canada, the United States, and, above all, Europe are increasingly supportive of Armenia.

Armenia is also developing its own advanced military capabilities, while its armed forces are undergoing a process of modernization and strengthening.

This is the picture of Armenia today.

The Other Side of the Picture

Yet there is another side.

Russia, through its allies and proxies in Armenia and within the opposition, is employing every means available to wage what can be described as a misinformation and hybrid war. The objective is to obstruct the course pursued by Nikol Pashinyan and, ultimately, to bring down his government.

This, too, is part of today’s reality.

Nevertheless, I remain optimistic about Armenia’s future.

After a century of life and experience, and after closely following Armenian national affairs as well as international politics, I believe that Armenia is entering a new chapter—one that offers genuine opportunities for sovereignty, democracy, economic development, and greater international engagement.

The Diaspora’s Most Important Responsibility

There is another issue, however, that deserves our particular attention—one that concerns the Armenian Diaspora above all.

There are those in the Diaspora who have become entrenched in their political positions and refuse to reconsider their views. I am not primarily addressing them.

My focus is on our rising younger generation.

They are not simply “our future,” as the familiar expression goes. They are our living present. They are already shaping the character and identity of our nation through their energy, achievements, and promise.

In matters concerning national identity, civic responsibility, and Armenia, they often demonstrate a healthier and more practical outlook. They are deeply connected to the realities of the countries in which they live, yet through their accomplishments and the positions they have achieved, they bring distinction and pride to both their individual identities and their Armenian heritage.

This is why we, the older generation, must make our grandchildren a central focus of our attention.

Here I recall the famous words of William Wordsworth: “The Child is father of the Man.”

In his 1802 poem, Wordsworth emphasizes the profound influence that childhood experiences, innate qualities of character and personality, and a sense of wonder have on the mature individual.

We, the older generation, have much to learn from our children and grandchildren.

One of our greatest responsibilities is to learn from them. We must understand their psychology and find ways to guide and support them so that their natural talents can grow and flourish freely.

At the same time, we must remain vigilant.

The colorful and highly stimulating environment in which today’s children grow up, together with the pervasive presence of electronic devices, can be attractive and entertaining but can also encourage passivity and alienate young people from their identity and heritage.

Our community institutions therefore have an essential role to play.

Through the family, the church, Armenian schools, and youth organizations, we must create healthy, enjoyable, engaging, and dynamic activities that help our grandchildren grow with strong Armenian values.

We must help them develop as individuals who remain faithful to the vision of their ancestors, who carry the Armenian spirit within them, and who take pride in their heritage.

A single article cannot address the full scope of this challenge. At most, it can emphasize its fundamental importance.

We must devote all our resources and energy to guiding the generations now being formed toward a strong connection with their Armenian identity.

Let us take to heart the wisdom contained in Wordsworth’s words:

“The Child is father of the Man.”

La Crescenta, Glendale
July 29, 2026

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